By Sao Noan Oo
4. Settlers and Formation of Waan and Mongs
5. The Sao Hpas and their Mongs
see Information pages for maps of Shan State
Although the Shan State is geographically in Burma the Shans are different in their origin and language from the other groups in that country, for example the Mons and the Burmans are ancient immigrant races from the Tibetan plateau. Whereas, the Shans like the Thais and Laotians, are descended from the Tais. These were people from the autonomous region of Yunnan Province in south-west China.
When taking the whole of Burma into
consideration the Shans make up about 10 - 15 percent of Burma's
population with the majority occupying the Shan plateau, in the eastern
part of Burma. In their own language the Shans call themselves Tai
and their country Mong Tai instead of Shan State. It is not known
why the Shan people came to have two names "Shan" and "Tai" and likewise
the Thailand people having two names "Siam-ese" and "Thai".
Many theories have been postulated by several people and one of many is
that Shan, Siam and Assam were diverged from the word "Sein", a group of
mountainous people who migrated down south from Yunnan in the 6th.
Century AD A second theory says that Shan was named after the " Mighty
Shan", the Great Mountain Ranges of China from where they had migrated.
The third seems to think that Shan is a corrupt word of Syam, a name
given to slaves working in Cambodia in the early period of the Tai
history. This seems most improbable because the Tais migrated from
their home in Yunnan to be free from the domination of the mainstream
Chinese as they strongly valued their independence and freedom.
Therefore, it is not likely that they would become slaves in a foreign
land, and when at that period the Shans held relatively strong power in
South-east Asia. However, all hypotheses lead to the names Tai and
Shan being names of one and the same race.
Eight million people inhabited the Shan State (Mong Tai ) the majority being the Shan or Tai Long. The early history of the area is hazy, though it appears that the first entry of the Tai into Burma took place in the 1st. century BC when rebellions in Central China drove many people from that area to seek their fortune elsewhere. These people moved south into Burma and founded such ancient Shan cities as, Ta Gong, Mongnai, Hsenwi and Hsipaw.
The second migration took place in the 6th Century AD when a great wave of migration of Tai (or Sein?) a race descended from the mountain of Yunnan. They followed the Nam Mao River, now called the Shweli River, to the south and settled in the valleys and regions surrounding the river in Upper Burma. This valley and neighbouring regions became the centre of Shan political power while the wave of migration spread south-east, followed the path already traversed by earlier Tai and spread over the present day Shan Plateau (State). From here, some continued west into Thailand. A second branch went north, followed the Brahmaputra River into Northern Assam. This was a period when the Yunnan Tai came under the attack from the mainstream Chinese and many had made attempts to assert their independence. When this had failed they migrated south to escape from China rule. Thus, the three groups of migrants Assam, Siam and Shan came to regard themselves as "Free People"
In the middle of the 7th Century AD the Shan history in Burma is obscure and it is not clear what important significance the Kingdom of Nanchao played. There seems to be of two conflicting views: the majority of authors seem to think that Nanchao is a unified state of the Tai in Southern Yunnan and that it dominated Upper and much of the Lowland Burma in the 8th. and 9th Century AD The second group holds the view that the Tai or Shans and Nanchao were of two different entities. D.K. Wyatt in his book, "Thailand - A short History" argues that Nanchao leaders were not Tais as they followed a linkage system when choosing their names, which is unknown among the Tai but common among the Lolo and other Tibeto-Burman group. Further more, the lists of words mentioned by Fan Ch'o were untraceable in the Tai language. No Shan or other chronicle mentions Nanchao or any of its rulers, but nineteenth century chiefs in Central Yunnan traced their ancestors back to Nanchao. (Some chronicles state that Nanchao, in the early period was not called Nanchao but "Laanzao" which means Land of a million Princes! ---- The Upper Burma and the Shan State Gazetteer also mentioned that in the Kingdom of Nanchao the ruling Shan-Chinese Chiefs spoke Chinese but the mass of the population were Tais).
Nevertheless, Nanchao was a major power in
Northern and South-east Asia until it made peace with China in the 9th.
Century and then confined its military and political strategies to its
heartland in south-western China.
Century there is little doubt that a powerful Tai kingdom, the Nam Mao
Long Kingdom had been founded in the northern region of Nam Mao (now
called Shwe Li River). It is believed that this was a branch of
the "Tai Mao Kao" Kingdom which was founded in the 7th Century by the
Tai of Yunnan. Sao Hom Hpa of the Nam Mao line was the ruler of
the Nam Mao Long Kingdom in Burma for 80 years until he died in 1104.
During that period the Tais were the main rivals of the Burmans and Mons
when the three groups were struggling for dominance in Burma.
The Tai of Yunnan never ceased to be on the move and in the 12th. and 14th Century AD. y came down in massive numbers into Burma. This influx of Tai population into Burma enhanced the man power of the Tais of the Nam Mao Long Dynasty making it not only a major power in Burma but in South-east Asia.
The Nam Mao Long Dynasty reached its peak during the reign of Hso Hkan Hpa one of twin brothers, the direct descendents of the Nam Mao Long Dynasty. During his reign from 1220 - 1230 he more or less united all the Tai principalities and also marched to Kun-Ming to attack, and then defeated the Chinese. Next an army, led by his brother Hkun Sam Hpa alias Hso Long Hpa was sent to attack and conquer Assam, and in 1229 founded the Tai Ahom Dynasty which contributed to one of the greatest achievements in the Tai history. Hkun Sam Hpa was later crowned King of Mong Gong.
The Mao Tais continued to attack neighbouring countries: Lao, Cheing Sein and Yonok country (Mong Joonook). In the same century the Mao King sent an expedition to raid the Burmese Pagan Empire. This coincided with the invasion of China by the Mongols under Kublai Khan. The first province to fall under the influence of the Mongols was Yunnan. Having established themselves in China they invaded Burma in 1287. This gave the Tais the opportunity to play a more dominant role in Pagan. Three Shan brothers were in control of three chief towns round Kyaukse, which was an irrigated area for rice production, giving them a stranglehold over the cities' food supply. From Yunnan the Mongols invaded Burma again in 1300 AD. From their fortifications at Maensein the three Shan brothers were able to beat off all attacks, and the last Mongol commander accepted a bribe to lead his troop home but his chief in Yunnan was displeased and he was executed. The idea of holding Burma in subjection was abandoned by the Mongols. This was a victory for the Tais and they became dominant in the social and political spheres of Pagan. By the end of the 11th century the Tai Long had become the dominant group in the population of the whole of Burma.
The Mao Kingdom maintained considerable power and prosperity until it was challenged by the Burmese King, Anawrahta who regained much of the lowland of the country, previously held by the Mao Tais. Some time later the Mao power began to wane and no other Tai political power were great enough to take its place. In Upper Burma however, the Shan brothers supported by the Mongols in Yunnan still held considerable power. The youngest brother became the sole king of the area and he and his descendents ruled this part of Burma for two and a half centuries.
During the late 15th Century the Upper Irrawaddy valley was rapidly breaking up into small units. The successors of the Shan Brothers had adopted the culture and society of the people they ruled and had become more and more Burmanised by inter-marrying with the old royal house of Pagan. They also adopted Burmese scripts and appointed Burmese Officers in their administration. They gradually became isolated from their kinsmen on the Shan Plateau, but nevertheless, Sagaing area consisting of Singaling Hkamti and Hsawngsap, Wuntho and Kale, east of the Irrawaddy and Khamti Long north of Myitkyina were autonomous and still retained Sao Hpa as their chiefs.
The Tai Long did not only establish their power in the lowland and upland of Burma Proper, but slowly by following the rivers they infiltrated into all the river valleys of South-east Asia. Small groups, besides settling amongst the Mons and Burmese went as far as Cambodia and Vietnam. The majority made their homes in the Shan State and some went further west into Thailand and Lao. The Tais brought with them their centuries old civilisation, culture and socio-political organisation. Most of them were drawn to the lowlands, where they engaged themselves in subsistence agriculture based on wet-rice cultivation. They reared domestic animals, such as poultry and pigs and used buffaloes and cattle for pulling simple ploughs to till the land. They hunted in the forest, fish in the stream and gathered produce such as mushrooms, bamboo shoots and wild leafy vegetables from the forest .They traded with people from outside their own communities for salt, materials for clothing and metal tools.
Having settled in different geographical localities the Tais have gone through different historical changes by adopting cultures of those they are permanently in contact with. The Tai Ahom by moving across the mountains to Assam and by gradually adopting the Indic culture of the region into which they had moved are slowly losing their identities as Tai.
It was round about the 14th Century that the Siamese Tai properly established themselves on the great delta of the Menam River between Cambodia and the Mon country. During the years they have inter-changed some of their cultures with their neighbouring countries. The seas surrounding the country also gave them opportunities to trade and come into contact with various civilisations of the world. All these advantages have contributed to the making of the present day Thais, ready to challenge and advance into the modern world.
In contrast, the Tais of the Shan State were only partially submerged by their alien hosts, the hill dwellers and their neighbours, the Burmans and Mons. Geographically, being inland they had little opportunity to become in contact with the outside world, except for a few British Government officers who had little to do with the ordinary people and the Japanese during their brief occupation. Thus, for the Shans their culture and political identity have changed very little from their ancestors.
In spite of the geographical diversity the Tai peoples seem to have preserved in their folk tales and tradition a sense of common origin, which is clearly seen in their language and culture. The language is monosyllabic and tonal: the meaning of each word varies according to the tone, "dah" for instance has five tones, each tone meaning a different thing. dah a straight tone means eyes; dah, a low tone means for; dah; mid level tone means a box; dah: high level tone means to apply (make-up); dah. falling tone means to hope or guess. The Tai peoples still have many words in common and although changes in dialect and accents over the years have contributed to their divergence there still is some degree of mutual understanding among speakers of Thai, Yuon, Lao, Shan and Dtai in Yunnan and Southern China. Even the Ahom Tai, in spite of their isolation from other groups call rice "kao", and the spirit of the rice field "Phii naah" the same as the rest of the group. They also retained the method of cooking rice in the hollow segment of a bamboo stick and used banana leaves to cook certain dishes, practices common among the Tai Long (Shan) and certainly among other Tai groups.
From the 6th century AD onwards as Buddhism spread from the Indian sub-continent to South-east Asia and China several forms of Buddhism were introduced to the Shans. Over the years it was Theravada Buddhism that had began to have a great impact on not only the ruling class but on the ordinary villagers and it became integrated into their culture and everyday life. It became their religion and was adopted as the religion of every mongs in the Shan State. Like the Burmans, the Shans adopted the Mon scripts but Pali became the Holy Scripture containing Buddhist teachings and ethics that became the moral force and conscience of every individual. The five basic precepts of morality are to abstain from taking life, stealing, sensuous misconduct, lying and taking any intoxicants likely to impair the mind. Behind the respect for the moral rules lies the awareness of the law of Karma, which awards good deeds and punishes evil-doing in this life and in the next. Enlightened self-interest therefore, should prompt us to lead a good life.
Although the Tai Long continued to worship and paid respects to Phii Sao Mong, Phii Naah and other spirits they were not fanatic spirit worshippers. The majority of them were staunched Buddhists and very loyal to their religion. The Christian missionaries who later invaded the Shan States like any other South-east Asian countries were relatively successful in converting the hill ethnic groups to Christianity but had failed to do so with the Shans.
4. Settlers and Formation of Waan and Mongs
The Shan plateau which is 3000 feet above sea level lies between the Irrawaddy and the Salween Rivers. It is an area of 62, 816 square miles, a land of forests, rolling downs and mountain ranges with a temperate climate and just the right amount of rainfall. When the Tais arrived on the plateau they found that they were not the only inhabitants in the country, there were other ethnic groups: the Was. Palaungs and Daungsu or Pa-O in Northern and Southern Shan states, the Kh^un in Kengtung and Tai Neir, Lui, Lisu and Kaw near the Chinese border. Most of these were hill-dwellers by nature that seemed to believe that they could not live in areas below the height of 5000 ft., and so occupied the mountainous or hilly regions surrounding the Central Lowland. Having discovered that the lowland area was ideal for wet-rice cultivation the Tai readily adopted it for their home.
On the Shan Plateau groups of Tai families settled together forming a small community. The community grew into a village called waan or baan. Up to recently, villages surrounded by rice fields were found dotted along the river valleys. Several villages collectively became a principality.
Thus, steadily the Tai established an abundance of principalities in the Shan State which they called mongs varying in size and importance : the smallest Namtok measuring 14 square miles and inhabited by only a few hundred farmers scattered in a few villages. The largest mong is Kengtung, which is 12,000 square miles. Temples and Pagodas or Chaung Payaa were built in towns and large villages, and gradually monastic schools headed by monks came into existence. Basic education for literacy and religious knowledge became one of the primary functions of the monks. They represented part of the institution in the lives of the people and were treated with great regard and respect.
The Monasteries and Pagodas in both the towns and villages were the centre for religious and social activities. Numerous offerings to monks and ceremonies were performed as a thanks-giving to celebrate happy and memorable occasions. People and monks also gathered together in times of bereavement to say prayers for the dead.
5. The Sao Hpas and their Mongs
The Tais possessed a social organisation of a feudal type, which existed in the Shan State until 1958. A mong was looked after by a hereditary chief, called Sao Hpa, meaning "Lord of the Sky". During the 16th Century the Shan Sao Hpas lost their power in Central Burma, meanwhile the Chinese claimed supremacy over both Burma and the Shan states.
After the death of the Burmese King, Alaungpaya in 1752 China and Burma were consistantly at war with one another and the Sao Hpas and their mongs in the Shan states were caught in the middle. After having failed in the 4th invasion China sued for peace.They blamed the intrigues on the Sao Hpas of Hsenwi , Mong Gong, Baan Mu and Mong Hung and proposed that they, the Sao Hpas would have to yield to the Burmese in exchange for their officers who the Burmese had captured during the wars. Thus, some of the Sao Hpas became under the protection of the Burmese. No chronicle clearly defines what power if any the Burmans had on the Sao Hpas. But in spite of threat from the Chinese and pressure from the Burmese Kingdom the Sao Hpas managed to retain their autonomy and a large degree of their sovereignty in the Shan states.
During this period Burma also declared war
on Siam and thereafter were forever in conflict with one another.
Here again the Shan mongs, Kengtung and those along the Shan states and
Siam borders were caught in the middle and became subjection to either
Burma or Siam which ever was stronger.
During the late nineteenth century AD the British and the French were
rivals in controlling power over South-east Asia. Lower Burma or
Burma Proper had already been conquered by the British, while the French
held Lao. In between these two countries was undeveloped and wild
country, the Shan states. In order to have efficient control of
this buffer zone between them and the French the British extended their
conquest over this area. They also wanted to have an accessible
trade route to China as it had been reported by the East India Company
that from the Shan states very profitable trade with China could be
achieved.
During the British annexation of the Shan states the French, British India and Imperial China of the Ching Dynasty signed a treaty. Britain proposed to limit her frontier to the Mekong by transferring Keng Hung and Mong Lem to China, and Keng Cheng with its capital Mong Sing to Thailand. But the French did not approve and after many disputes which nearly brought the British and the French to the brink of war Mong Sing was given to the French. On the Lao/Burma treaty, in 1896 the British and the French agreed to leave the Mekong as the boundary between the two countries.
They also acknowledged a defacto political constitution and legal distinction between the Kingdom of Burma, with its capital at Mandalay and all the "greater Shan states. Thus, the geographical lay out of the boundaries of North-east Burma is the result of the !896 agreement between the French and the British.
Burma Proper or Central Burma where the majority of the populations were Burmans were incorporated with British India, under the direct rule of the British while the Shan states together with other "Hill states" were under indirect rule.
In the pre-British days the Sao Hpas and their mongs stretched from Sipsaung Panna in Yunnan, covering the whole of the Shan Plateau, Northern Thailand and Lao without the present international boundaries. There was no network of communications linking between the Sao Hpas and although they were independent of one another there was some kinship between them. This perhaps, was due to the fact that the princes and princesses of the Sao Hpa families inter- married. But, this does not mean that they had always lived in peace with one another because they had been conflicts and quarrels between the different mongs, often encouraged and fired by the Burmans. Nevertheless, they were united against a strong foe on their border as demonstrated in 1289 when the Mongols invaded Burma. King Mangrai of Lana Kingdom and the Shan Brothers united to fend off their common enemy. King Mangrai was a Tai who in the 12th. Century united all the states in the east of the present Shan State : Kentung, Cheing Suun, Cheing Hkam and Nothern Thailand including Cheingma, Cheingrai, Cheinsein etc. and founded the Kingdom of Lana.
The political and geographical situation of the Shan states changed in 1886 when Burma became a British colony. The Shan states with other "Hill states" were allowed to remain autonomous which meant that in the Shan states the Sao Hpas would still rule over their states or mongs. The British Government respected and recognised the authority of the Shan Sao Hpas and generally, they were left in the same position as they had been, somewhat, like the Rajas of India. With the Sao Hpas' consent small states were absorbed into bigger ones, old states dismantled and new ones arose, making approximately 33 Shan states. In 1922, these 33 states or mongs were united to form one body, "The Federated Shan States".
The British Government from its Central Office, a kind of mini White hall, in Taunggyi, the capital town of the Federated Shan States, appointed a British Commissioner and six Superintendents to assist him. Each Superintendent liaised between Central Office and the Sao Hpa of his region. Reporting to the Commissioner were officers in charge of forestry, agriculture, education, health, transport, the environment and Police, and they too worked closely with the Sao Hpas. Members of the Central Government and the thirty-three Sao Hpa together formed a governing body for the whole of the Shan State called the Shan State Council.
Each Sao Hpa administered his own state or
mong with the aid of a prime minister, departmental ministers, a state
judge and other departmental officers. A Sao Hpa's salary was
dependent on a fixed fraction of the state revenue. Thus, a Sao
Hpa with a bigger and more prosperous state earned a salary higher than
one with a smaller and less prosperous one. About thirty-five per
cent of the revenue was contributed to the Central Government and the
rest was used for state administration.
A mong or state had a town or towns called weings and and a number of
villages called waan or baan; the main town or weing in each state
carrying the same name as the mong. Each village was overseen by a
Heing, a Village Headman appointed by the Sao Hpa. Smaller
villages, instead of a Heing had a Ching Kang. A Ching Kang could
also act as an aid to a Heing. In large villages many elders, bu
hoe waan” or “khone long waan” would also be appointed by villagers to
act as their representative or a village council.
The Sao Hpa's system of government might have appeared feudalistic to
some foreigners, but the Sao Hpa were just leaders of their own people
and, like the leaders of many other countries, were not above the laws
of the land: a corrupt Sao Hpa who accepted bribes or mishandled state
money would have his title and power stripped from him and, would have
faced imprisonment.
Prior to the British Administration, in the Shan states each Sao Hpa built up his own administration for tax revenues and settling legal complaints, and he and his ministers upheld the laws and order of his state. Each state had its own customary laws, which were based on the moral concept and ethics of Buddhist morality.
During the British Administration the Civil, Criminal and Revenue administration of every state were the responsibility of the Central Government, headed by the Commissioner.
But, the law to be administered in each state was the customary law of the state as far as it was just and practised with a clear conscience and was not contradictory to those of British India. The powers of a High Court for the Shan State except those concerning European and British subjects was transferred in parts to the Commissioner.
As the Shans believed in Karma the Sao Hpa and their descendents were regarded as being born into a priviledged position in society and were treated as royalty. The Sao Hpa was loved and revered by his people and expected to guide and advise them. His wife, the Mahadevi or Sao Nang Mong was regarded as the matriach of the land and his sons and daughters as princes and princesses. The Sao Hpa and his subjects, the Shan people and the ethnic hill dwellers had great respect and trust for one another. For this reason, they were able to create a stable, united and peaceful society that had endured for decades. This system of political organisation was not as one-sided as it may seem. The relationship was advantageous to both the Sao Hpa and the people : the Sao Hpa relied on the people for man power and their loyalty and the people in return for his protection and leadership. Under the Sao Hpas, the Shan peoples enjoyed considerable freedom: they had the right to own properties and lands, and to choose their own religion and place to live.
The Sao Hpa had the power to select his officers as he pleased. Traditionally, the Sao Hpa would declare the eldest son as his heir or Kemmong to succeed him as a ruler. After his education and training he would be given administrative position in the office to give him experience in administration and personal relationship with the people upon whom the stability of the state depended.
As the older generations of Sao Hpa practised polygamy the line of succession was not as clear-cut as it seems. The eldest son of the chief wife or Mahadevi was considered as more superior to that of a son by any other but there had been incidences in which the son of a lesser wife had been declared as heir because the natural successor was incompetent or his conduct was unsuitable. In such a situation conflicts and jealousy would arise between brothers. The brother who was the natural successor would try to get rid of his step-brother even by criminal means.
Adopted sons had never been considered to have the right to the title of succession unless he was connected to the ruling family. Shan public opinion played a great part on the ruler being member of the ruling family.
Traditionally, rulers of states were strictly male but in 1905, when the ruler of Cheing Hkam died leaving a minor, Princess Tiptila, the mother of the boy administered the state until her son was old enough to be the ruler. Being a woman of great force and character she ruled successfully. Unfortunately, the son was disposed for gross misconduct.
In some states hereditary nobles existed in families whose ancestors had received lands as grants from the Sao Hpa for services rendered or for other reasons. The position of a Sao Hpa to his people was absolute; rank and consideration depended upon his judgement.
Among the Shans there was an enormous gap between the elite and the ordinary people in wealth and education. There were only a few who were educated enough to be employed as teachers, nurses, engineers and other professions. Cottage industries in weaving silk materials for skirts and bags, potteries, jewelleries, silver and lacquer wares and Shan paper existed but only on a small scale and most of them were poorly organised. The Shans were in the past reputed to be good traders, travelling to Lower Burma and Nothern Siam with goods such as, agricultural produce as well as semi-precious stones.
In the villages the majority of the population depended on the land for their livelihood.
Until after World War II land was plentiful and could be for everyone, subject to the claimant being able to farm it. It was often communal and held on what were in effect squatter's right. But later, as population grew, when land was required for building or farming purposes the citizens had to apply for permission directly or through their Heing to the State Office. Permission was granted without much difficulty as vacant land was still ample.
In the Shan State part of the land was used for fixed agriculture, often including plants of temperate latitude, such as fruits like oranges, pineapples, soya, seseme, ground nuts and sugar-cane and market gardening. Tea and coffee were cultivated on the hill slopes and tungsten along the Chinese border.
The outer-most area of the Shan Plateau is occupied by mountains where a few Shans lived with ethnic races. Here, slashed and burn farming was practised but just before World War II this was discouraged by the Central and Sao Hpa governments. Opium was legally grown east of the Salween on mountain slopes or small stream valleys well above the height of 3000 ft. Part of the crop was bought up by the Government at fixed rates which varied from year to year. But during the Burmese Military regime the production of opium went out of control.
Dry-rice cultivation called hai was practiced on terracees along the hill slopes or at the foot of mountain ranges. Here potato-tubers were also cultivated under mounds of mud.
However, most of the Central lowland areas were used for wet rice cultivation, which like other Tai groups, was an integral part of the Shan culture. Since they migrated the Shans had lived within the vicinity of the river basins rich in alluvial soil and watered by brooks and rivers. They had converted virgin soil into productive and usable farm lands.
Walled in by mountain ranges the Nam Khong or Salween River rises at the foot of Himalayas and in the Shan state rushes down from north to south the whole length of the country. Unlike in any other countries, here in the Shan State the Nam Khong receives many tributaries some of which were as long as 300 miles: the main ones being the Nam Pang, Nam Ping, Nam Teng, Nam Pawn, Nam Lwe and Nam Kha. Besides these, the tributaries of the Irrawaddy the Nam Tu and Zawgyi rise in the hill swamp east of Hsenwi and flow through Hsipaw valleys. These tributaries of the Nam Khong and Irrawaddy fed the basin of the valleys especially those of the "Rise Bowl" in Centnral Shan State. Unlike the Irrawaddy, the Salween and its tributaries cannot be used for navigation because of the swift currents and rapids in them. But many of them could be easily used to produce hydro-electric power and for useful and intensive irrigation system. The terrain of the Shan State had enormous scope for both agriculture and population development.
Up to date there has been nobody who has undertaken to scientifically study the irrigation of paddy fields in the Shan State. According to my knowledge there has been no intensive or controlled irrigation system. The wet-rice farmers took advantage of the natural flow of the rivers and their tributaries. Several streams in places, combined to give a powerful flow of water, often carrying with it calcareous tufa which formed natural dams. Later, the streams would break the dam, and the water would take a different course, resulting in the formation of small streams and brooks. The rainfall and the river tributaries provided sufficient water to irrigate the paddy fields. If and when necessary the farmers used the knowledge passed down to them by their forefathers to build temporary weirs and dams with wooden shutters to regulate the flow of incoming water or the draining of excess water. On slightly sloped areas, the streams were diverted into little channels to flood the fields to a depth of a foot.The water and the soil were retained in each small plot of field by turf walls containing holes to let water in, which could easily be blocked when the plots had been filled to the required depth of water.
The paddy fields or naahs were made up of rectangular plots of land, a quarter of an acre in area, called lock. An average family owned a tung which equal to 10 locks. Not all farmers owned naahs but rented them from landlords with an agreement to share a certain percentage of the harvest, which was usually 50 per cent each.
Beside the rivers and their tributaries there were also small streams formed by natural springs which the inhabitants used for bathing, swimming, washing clothes and for other domestic purposes. Drinking water was fetched from wells normally situated in the monastery compounds. In most houses there was no convenient running water system so women would fetch water from streams or wells in large pots balanced on their heads. Larger quantities were fetched in barrels on bullock carts driven by the men folks or lads.
There was no law to govern the usage of water, but should there be any dispute amongst the villagers, like any other disputes was settled by the Heing and his Village Council, made up of wisemen and elders of the village.
The Shans had long tradition of voluntary communal work. Planting and harvesting were communally organised among small holders or sometimes with additional hired hands. They would meet up and organise the various jobs. There was no strict division of labour between the sexes but the male usually did the more strenuous jobs like ploughing and harrowing the fields while transplanting was left mostly to the women. In transplanting the women would work from morning till dusk with a lunch break in between. Once a field was completed they would on to another. Transplanting seemed like a back-breaking job and rather unpleasant working in slippery mud with so many leeches but those who were familiar with the job seemed to be enjoying themselves, laughing and singing as they planted. Harvesting and thrashing were a combined job of both sexes. In other quarters, as in farming the men did the more strenuous outdoor jobs, cutting wood, fencing or driving bullock carts and the women household domestic chores.
As farming was just substantial for their livelihood, during the lax period both men and women had to seek part-time jobs elsewhere. Some of the young men and women would travel to the towns or weings or to the markets to sell fruit and vegetables from their small market gardening. A few would try to earn money by making cakes and other food to sell or some would weave bags and material for skirts and men baskets and mats. A market took place every five days in weings and large waans and was rotated between nearby waans.
Related to the wet-rice farming were the
cattle breeding. Buffaloes and bullocks were used as draught
animals, buffaloes for ploughing the fields and bullocks for drawing
carts. Taking care of the cattle was usually the responsibility of
the young lads who would in the mornings take them to graze on the rice
fields during the non-rice growing season, thus naturally fertilising
the soil. In the evenings the cattle would be driven home again.
The Shans had rights to own land and property. They were able to
enjoy a household or trade houses or land with one another.
The Shan women although did not have full equal right with men enjoyed a relatively high social standard and were free to voice their own opinions which were highly thought of. The young people were given the freedom to choose their own marital partners, but it was considered undignified for a young girl to be too forward. It was the boy who should do the chasing by gentle and artful courting. Customarily, the boys' parents present their future daughters-in-law with gifts of money and jewelleries.
By tradition the Shan women do not have the same rights of inheritance of land and property as men but there were no strict rules, especially in modern times when both sons and daughters received equal shares.
In Shan society life revolved around the family, the Buddhist festivals and the rhythm of the season. At least twice a year people from the town and nearby villages gathered together in prayers, celebrations and fun. Like other Buddhists the Shan celebrated the Buddhist New year in April in the form of water festival. The significance of it was to use water to wash away the old year together with its bad luck and sadness and anoint the New Year.
The young people, mostly maidens in
suitable clothing, each carrying a pot of water, well balanced on their
heads, went round the town, stopping firstly at the Sao Hpa's Palace.
The Sao Hpa and his Mahadevi would move to the veranda where the girls
would anoint them with perfumed water. In return the Sao Hpa and
his wife would thank and wish them luck and prosperity in the New Year.
This was the point at which the real fun started for the young people.
Down in the yard every body joined in, throwing and splashing water
until completely drenched.
The next morning, before the full moon the Sao Hpa, his family and the
people would assemble in a chosen monastery. Prayers and chanting
would then take place in front of monks.
.
Another important celebration in the Buddhist calendar was the "Light
festival" which took place in October to celebrate the return of Buddha
Gautima to earth after visiting "Deva". As he descended his route
was so brightly illuminated that it flooded the whole universe, and from
then lights of all kinds were set alight in places of worship and houses
to commemorate the occasion. This also involved the Sao Hpa and
his family, the whole town and nearby villages gathering at the pagoda
or monastery to say prayers together. On the eve of the prayer
meeting there would be great rejoicing. A long carnival paraded
the town, led by young girls and women in their brightly-coloured
costumes, carrying lighted candles. The boys and men would follow
with lanterns. There were floats of young people singing and
dancing, followed by the animals: the horses, the yaks, the monkeys and
the elephants. There were also Shan sword dancers, accompanied by
gongs and cymbals.
Besides religious celebrations a pwe or
festival was held in each of five chosen villages at different times of
the year. The festival usually lasted for ten days, during which
the Sao Hpa with his family honoured the villagers with their presence
and, his house and his time would be made available to those who wished
to call and discuss village matters or their individual needs and
grievances. This developed better relationships and communication
between the ruler and his subjects. At the same time town folks
and villagers gathered together to enjoy themselves and to be
entertained by actors and actresses, who performed dances, songs,
concerts and plays. This was funded by gambling licencees who were
mostly Chinese.
At other times of the year the Sao Hpa Residence would also serve as the
centre for the gathering of all the village headmen when they came to
pay their respects to their ruler and discuss village affairs with him.
As we have seen the Tais had migrated from
Yunnan to flee from China domination. Many of them had been lured
into the valleys of the Shan State and they must have thought that they
had found a promised land. These people did not want much but to
live happily and contentedly in harmony with nature. This they had
done for very many centuries, keeping the core of their culture and
political identity in tact.
Even during the British rule from 1886 - 1943 and 1945 - 1948, and the
Japanese Occupation from 1943 -1945 the Sao Hpas were allowed to rule
their people, and the
Villagers could continue to live their traditional way of life.
But when the Burmese military dictator government illegally took over
power in 1958, the peace and calm in the Shan State was replaced by
chaos, confusion and fear. They successfully dismantled the Sao
Hpa dynasty, and the whole Shan society became totally disintegrated.
Under the tyrannical military regime, whose policy is to eliminate minority races, atrocities abound. Young girls are gang-raped and then shot or beheaded. Others, men and women alike, are subjected to other forms of violence: extrajudicial killings, torture and looting until they are driven to flee. Unfortunately, they do not find welcome or solace in these neighbouring countries: they are either forcibly made to return or allowed to remain as cheap labour or prostitutes.
Since 1962, the military has priority to
supplies of rice, cooking oil, salt and other essential commodities.
As a result more than 80 per cent of Shan people are facing destitute
and malnutrition. Land has been confiscated. During the last
few years 300,000 Shan peasants from hundreds of villages, who had
always gained their livelihood from the land, were forced at gun point
to relocate from their fertile land to strategic sites which could be
closely watched in case they should give assistance to freedom fighters.
Forty years of suffering, the life of the majority of the Shans (Tai) is
reduced to just struggling to survive, and sometimes, with not even a
shelter over their heads. In the former Shan State (Mong Tai),
unlike other under-developed countries, there had never been famine.
Since the Burmese army illegally over-ran the country many are suffering
from malnutrition, and the children of this hitherto proud people, are
begging by the roadside.
The future of the Shan people especially those of the peasants are very grim. They are confronted with confusion, fear and a feeling of great loss: they are without leaders, and many of them have lost fathers mothers, sons, daughters and other relatives and friends. Worst of all, they had lost their beloved land and thus, have no means to earn a livelihood. Their traditional heritage and their way of life are completely destroyed.
The Shan State has now been under the military rule for nearly half a century and there is no sign of them ever giving up power. The people continue to suffer from horrific human right violations, and the countryside is facing complete destruction. It will be a very long time, if ever, before peace and dignity return to the Shan people and their beloved land.
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